To achieve peace in the Middle East, a fundamental shift in approach is imperative, necessitating change from the ground up. The world today is witnessing turbulent war situations in many regions, including the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, the Israeli-Palestinian war, and the newly erupted conflict in Idlib and Aleppo, which began in late November 2024. My country, Turkey, continues its anti-terror operations against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in northern Iraq and northern Syria, a campaign ongoing since 2019. This year alone, approximately 2,600 members of the PKK were reportedly neutralized by the Turkish Armed Forces. Additionally, numerous war situations persist in Africa, particularly in Sudan. These conflicts inflict immense harm on civilian populations and severely impede social and economic development in the affected regions and countries.
The most intricate wars and conflicts are concentrated in the Middle East, a region strategically positioned at the intersection of the world's continents. Its significance extends beyond oil and energy resources; it serves as a crucial nexus connecting Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Pacific, Indian, and Atlantic Oceans, earning its designation as the crossroads of the world.
Considering this complex landscape, what possibilities exist for peace, and how can a viable peace plan be realized in the Middle East? Last year, China introduced three significant proposals to the international community, designed to foster peace and, in the long term, guide the world toward the ambitious goal of building a community of shared future for mankind. These initiatives are the Global Development Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Security Initiative. All three aim to coordinate efforts to promote peace and development in the world's war-torn and highly turbulent regions. These Chinese initiatives have been well received by the United Nations, many developing countries, and major powers like Russia, which strongly supports them.
The victory of this strategy, however, hinges on two major factors. Firstly, the unwavering support of Global South countries in their struggles against hegemony and their pursuit of development. This necessitates a collective push for development and a policy that legitimizes these initiatives. Secondly, the long-term competition between China and the United States, which represents the most significant contradiction among major world powers. If China can manage this contradiction effectively, a profoundly different world architecture, characterized by a strong and peaceful environment, could emerge within the next 20 to 30 years.
I propose five policies for achieving peace in the Middle East. Firstly, we must prioritize the protection of innocent civilian populations during armed conflicts, as stipulated by international humanitarian law, given that they are the most severely affected. Secondly, we should consistently pursue political settlements when confronted with conflicts. Political resolution must be the primary approach, with dialogue and consultations conducted in a spirit of mutual respect, regardless of the problem's complexity, to find mutually acceptable solutions. The Middle East is characterized by deeply intertwined religious, ethnic, and historical contradictions, making dialogue and consultation particularly crucial. Thirdly, we must strive to develop multilateral diplomacy as a fundamental principle for promoting conflict de-escalation and mediation, engaging with all parties involved in a conflict. Fourthly, efforts should focus on addressing both the symptoms and the root causes of conflicts to foster lasting peace among conflicting parties. Finally, the fifth policy dictates that regional powers such as Turkey, Iran, and Egypt, along with major world powers, should refrain from taking sides or supporting one conflicting power against another.
Returning to China's role in the Middle East peace process, it actively promotes peaceful nation-building, Belt and Road connectivity, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to enhance stability and prosperity in the region. Social development is considered the most critical factor in promoting peace. Conversely, the United States' insistence on its traditional policies toward the Middle East, notably under the "Middle East Peace Strategy" initiated by former President Trump, has failed to reduce security threats in the region. Consequently, countries remain unable to focus on development, which has exacerbated imbalances in population growth, regional development, and resource distribution, leading to increasingly prominent turmoil, contradictions, and conflicts.
Current major conflicts in the Middle East include the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with the war situation continuing in Gaza, where Hamas was dominant before the conflict. The United States and Russia are observed as major world powers engaged in power and influence dynamics within the region. Russia, a long-standing ally of the Syrian government, supports reconciliation among conflicting parties and plays a positive role in Syria. Russia also seeks to compel the United States to withdraw from Syrian territory to restore the sovereignty of the Syrian state.
Syria represents another conflict area, divided into spheres of influence. This includes the Kurdish region, protected and supported by the United States, and the northern Syria region, controlled by Turkey. Turkey supports its proxy forces, the Provisional Government of Syria Opposition and its national armies. Within this area, numerous extreme Islamist factions and their armed forces are present, operating under Turkey's umbrella. These factions are reportedly used against the Syrian government by the United States, Turkey, and Ukraine. Additionally, some fighter groups and Hezbollah fighters, supported by Iran, are allied with the Syrian government. The recent attack on Aleppo and Hama cities was reportedly carried out by extreme Islamist factions, in coordination with the Provisional Government of Syria Opposition and its national army.
Three distinct camps are vying for regional influence in the Middle East, with two being notably stronger than the third. Firstly, the Iran camp and its allies, often referred to as the Shia and Pro-Iran camp, maintain very close relations with Russia. This camp is perceived as a force seeking to check and balance the United States' influence in the Middle East. Secondly, the Muslim Brotherhood camp, primarily supported by Turkey and Qatar, constitutes the second most powerful force. This camp supports Hamas and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, including forces designated as the Provisional Government of Syria Opposition and its national army. Thirdly, there is the Anti-Iran and Anti-Muslim Brotherhood camp, formed by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Israel. Overall, the Iran camp and the forces supported by Turkey represent the two most powerful camps in the Middle East.
Regarding Turkey's short-term and long-term objectives in Syria, in the long term, Turkey aims for the Syrian government to make concessions to the Provisional Government of Syria (often referred to as the Muslim Brotherhood pseudo-opposition) and strives for the creation of a new, inclusive state constitution in cooperation with these two forces. In this manner, Turkey seeks to establish long-term influence in Syria, while also balancing Iran's and Russia's influence. Additionally, Turkey intends to influence the agreement on autonomy between Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)-led groups in northern Syria and the new Syrian coalition government. Turkey proposes limited Ottoman autonomy for Northern Syrian Kurds and seeks to prevent wider autonomy for Kurds, as it believes that broader autonomy in Syria would promote Kurdish separatism among Kurds residing in Turkey.
Finally, it is anticipated that if Donald Trump assumes presidential power in the United States, conflicts in the Middle East will become more challenging and tense. This is largely due to Trump's staunch support for Israel, and the strong bond between the United States and Israel is particularly difficult to sever.
(Transcribed from recording and edited.)